Ordinarily, at this time in April, I'm preparing to write a post- mortem on the accomplishments, or lack thereof, by Carroll's delegation during the legislative session. But that's been pre-empted this year by Gulf War11, and by the still on-going "mano a mano" between Governor Ehrlich and his chief antagonist, House Speaker Michael Busch, whose made scuttling the guv's slots plan a cause celebre from the session's opening gong.

Now, I've written more pro-slots columns over the years than on nearly any other subject. So it should come as no surprise to anyone that I'm a strong supporter of Ehrlich's plan, just as I was for Del. Howard Rawling's slots bills, which he pushed hard for, with the full backing of the former Speaker of the House Casper Taylor, but which died in committee, largely because of Governor Glendening's promised veto looming over their heads.

And speaking of Cas Taylor, I've thought many times in reading of Busch's uncompromising opposition to slots, how this stalemate over the budget would, in my mind, never have happened, if only Taylor was still wielding the gavel in the House. And I imagine that no one is more keenly aware of that ironic, and unfortunate turn of events than the governor. But like me, he must've gotten a chuckle out of hearing Busch say, that "he considers himself to be Taylor's protege, and would try to emulate him." And I bet by now, Cas has already "called him on the carpet" for making such a ridiculous claim, or perhaps threatened to bang him on the noggin with his gavel.

As it now stands, what with "the line in the sand" drawn so deeply by the governor and both houses over the budget, one could sprain an ankle stepping into it; and if the session goes into overtime (as it might well do to break the logjam), legislators may have to buy thicker, seat cushions, and more stay-awake pills, not to mention the strain it could put on some marriages.

Even though Ehrlich has apparently decided to "throw in the sponge," in getting slots authorized at the tracks (at least in this session), I'd still give him high marks for remaining true to his convictions that slots represent the most pragmatical and readily available means for extricating the state from the deep, financial hole it's in. And while he may've caused me some gastric acidity, by changing his mind more times than a model changes clothes at a fashion show, as to how the profits from the slots would be allocated, I recognized he was doing his damnedest to come up with an equitable formula that was palatable to all parties concerned (while preserving his commitment for the lion's share to be earmarked for education).

To me, the track owners were, by their greedy demands, nearly as instrumental in undercutting his plan as was the Speaker of the House. And naturally, it's the counties who stand to take the major hit because of the loss of anticipated revenues from the slots, which will force them to raise local taxes to make-up for the shortfall in state aid, if in fact Ehrlich sticks by his vow to veto the $135 million tax bill. As his press secretary said, "local governments aid is going to be decimated, and the Thornton Commission will be all but a thing of the past." (Taxpayers hearing such grim news may let out cries of anguish as loud as a moose during mating season.

But I can't fault Ehrlich for not wavering on his campaign pledge not to raise taxes, even if it hurts him politically. For I can recall him saying that "he's willing to take all the lumps he might get by remaining true to his promises." And heaven knows, he's gotten as many of 'em as a rodeo bull rider, and still hasn't winced, no matter how hard that bullheaded Mike Busch bucks, twists and turns in trying to throw him off balance.